A chegada dos novos tempos

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Nesses dias tenho procurado expor os novos valores que passam a dominar a política brasileira. São ideias cujo tempo certo chegou, para usar a expressão de Abraham Lincoln.

O grande problema brasileiro é a falta de instituições que garantam a continuidade dessas novas ideias, desse novo tempo.

O primeiro problema sério é o Congresso e o modelo político.  Ninguém sabe a rigor quem é seu representante no Congresso. Existem deputados bancados por empresas, por setores, grupos ou corporações.

Na verdade, essa pulverização é própria da Câmara Federal que, espera-se, represente um leque variado de interesses setoriais ou regionais. O problema é o financiamento público de campanha que terminou por jogar nos braços dos grandes grupos a definição da lista de candidatos partidários (escolhe-se quem tem mais possibilidade de trazer financiamento para o partido). Ou seja, os agentes orquestradores das demandas deveriam ser os partidos políticos, definindo programas claros. Mas não existem.

Esse modelo levou aos governos de coalizão e a crises institucionais periódicas, lembra o leitor Igor Cornelsen, que vão do suicídio de Vargas, à renúncia de Jânio, ao golpe de 64, ao impeachment de Collor.

Outro ponto sensível é a questão do desenvolvimento.

Na Ásia, o modelo econômico é o mesmo, com a busca da industrialização, do crescimento, da inovação, do emprego qualificado. Entra governo, sai governo, mantem-se os mesmos valores e as mesmas linhas de ação.

No Brasil, depende do governo de plantão. FHC e o governo Lula (até a crise de 2008) vieram a reboque dos ventos internacionais. Só quando a crise internacional explodiu, o país conseguiu se livrar da inércia na política econômica.

Agora, tenta-se retomar o desenvolvimentismo, mas com enormes dificuldades em todas as áreas, em sistemas de controle, na mídia, nos setores ambientalistas, nas próprias empresas (muitas delas inconformadas com redução de margem). É só analisar o problema de definir um câmbio competitivo, dos custos do investimento e da falta de competitividade da empresa nacional.

Não se trata, portanto, de um sentimento capaz de garantir o projeto de desenvolvimento independentemente do presidente do momento.

A falta dessas ideias mobilizadoras torna o quadro político instável. Não existem partidos programáticos. O PSDB tentou ser socialdemocrata, tornou-se neoliberal no período FHC e hoje em dia não é nada. No PT convivem desde linhas de pensamento amplamente estatizantes até setores que buscam a social democracia.

Tem-se em Dilma Rousseff e Fernando Haddad um modelo socialdemocrata claro, com atuação indutora forte do Estado e parceria com a sociedade civil – empresas privadas, organizações sociais, etc. Mas seria um pensamento consolidado no partido? Não é certo.

São duas realidades desafiadoras. Numa ponta, a Internet avalanche de novas ideias que brota das discussões públicas nas redes sociais; novos grupos sendo incluídos no debate. Na outra, um aparato institucional anacrônico, dos partidos políticos às máquinas estaduais e federal, passando pelos demais poderes – incluindo a mídia.

Este será o desafio das próximas décadas: criar instituições suficientemente dinâmicas para absorver o novo.

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